Democratic Greece – the horror of Europe

While the preparations and results of the elections in Russia and the USA are being covered as a priority, no less curious political competitions will take place much closer, which directly affect us. The outcome of the debt crisis in the country largely depends on the next election in Greece. There are two extremely different predictions – the election of a puppet government, strictly implementing the budget cutting measures imposed "from above", or a populist Eurosceptic government, which will oppose unpopular austerity decisions.

It is obvious that the Greeks have little choice. If they are to achieve economic recovery within the EU, they must definitively give up nationalist biases and even part of their sovereignty. The elections will determine whether the long period of uncertainty and indecision will continue to exacerbate tensions between a bankrupt Greece and those who are paying handsomely for its bankruptcy – the EU member states.

At first glance, the hesitations about Greece are unfounded and decision-making is unnecessarily delayed. The problem, however, is not the compilation of a package of measures, but their implementation. The reason is that democracy is a difficult tool to use when it comes to overcoming crises, as it often becomes a lever that overthrows governments and prevents attempts to economize on the funds that have so far maintained a high standard of living. Citizens are skillfully taking advantage of the opportunity to take to the streets and demand back what the state has stopped giving them.

The Greeks have proven the theory that it is hardest to take from someone who has had a lot. The country's obligations are difficult to fulfill because the economic "therapy" there is much more shocking than in other countries with a lower standard of living. Greece needs a strong government that can carry out the necessary reforms to reduce government spending and at the same time manage to allocate funds to meet payments on the country's colossal debt. But do the Greeks themselves want such a government?

Practice shows that right-wing voters decrease during a crisis, while left-wing parties cannot maintain their credibility and fulfill their extravagant promises. A left-wing government would not compromise with the funds that mobilize a huge part of the electorate to elect it. At the same time, Greece cannot remain a welfare state, because the resources to implement such policies do not belong to it. However, the current Greek Parliament gives representation mainly to left-wing forces:

Another phenomenon that European powers would make efforts to completely discredit in the elections is the possible nationalism. Europe is unanimous that such sentiments are the shortest path to exiting the eurozone with fatal economic consequences. We can take as a conditional example Viktor Orban and the unfavorable economic and political status in which Hungary found itself within the Union.

However, it is precisely the nationalist slogans promoted by populist parties that are able to win over a large part of the electorate in an economically collapsed and sharply impoverished country, as the Greeks are bitter about seeing Merkel and Sarkozy in place of their government, pursuing policies that are severely damaging to them. Populist parties are able to mobilize trust, but also to lose it the fastest of all, continuing the vicious circle without any result. Such parties have ambitions primarily to retain power for more than one mandate, and the next government of Greece, if it is decisive and effective, will certainly not achieve such success.

A realistic, albeit paradoxical, prediction is that the government that will save Greece from the crisis and implement the necessary reforms will enjoy minimal popularity and is unlikely to last a full term. The only problem complicating the situation is that it must first be democratically elected. However, voter turnout in parliamentary elections in Greece has been steadily declining:

Greece is about to become a precedent for the EU's methodology in solving problems. It will prove in practice whether the Union's administrative approach to policy-making makes sense and is effective. It is also unlikely that a government of technocrats convenient for the West will be imposed on Greece through bureaucratic means. Such governments create a greater distance between the people and the institutions than even military dictatorships. As a last plausible option, strict expert European monitoring, pressure and ultimatums remain, compensating for the otherwise "democratic" choice of the Greek sovereign - the people.

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